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The Future "Road Map" Has No Future |
Current rating: 0 |
by haaretz op-ed via gehrig
(No verified email address) |
07 Apr 2003
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Prediction that the Quartet's "road map" will sink without a trace at the starting bell because Israel is unwilling to halt settlement expansion in the West Bank, one of the "road map"s key demands. |
The settlement detour on the road map to peace
By Danny Rubinstein
Whatever the developments in Iraq may be, the diplomatic plan called "the road map" will soon top the Israeli-Palestinian agenda. Predictably, the government of Israel is even now pushing to the top of the agenda the provision of the plan that talks about "the cessation of terror, violence and incitement." The American plan sets out the various stages of the Palestinian reform following which the violent intifada will stop and Israel will cease its military incursions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. A large measure of optimism is needed to see this plan succeeding: the terror attacks stop, the Israel Defense Forces withdraw - and calm prevails in the territories and elections are held.
However, the road map also has an additional well-known provision that talks about the government of Israel "freezing the Jewish settlements in the territories... including their natural increase," and the implementation of this provision looks perhaps even more impossible than the implementation of the security provisions. The reason is that the settlements have become an integral part of the Israeli reality.
It can clearly be stated that, for nearly 36 years, all of the governments of Israel have proven that they are unable to, or do not want to, stop the establishment, development and expansion of Jewish settlements in the territories that were occupied in 1967. The evacuation of the Yamit area in Sinai after the peace agreement with Egypt in 1979 was the exception that proves the rule. And the rule is that there has always been found a way to maneuver, evade and avoid all the prohibitions and restrictions that have been imposed on the settlements - until, in the end, all the plans to dry out the settlements have in fact led to the opposite result: they have expanded and become stronger, and the Jewish settlers in the West Bank have become the lords of the territory.
Ever since Rabbi Moshe Levinger arrived in Hebron on Passover 35 years ago, claiming that he wanted to celebrate the seder night in the City of the Patriarchs, an entire culture of pretense and self-deception has developed around the settlements in the territories. The excuse for the founding of the Jewish settlement in Hebron was the establishment of a yeshiva. The story of Ma'aleh Adumin began with the establishment of a camp for workers at the site, and the explanation for the establishment of Shiloh was that this was a camp for archeological excavations. Then there were Talmon Alef and Talmon Bet, and Talmon Gimmel. And, over the years, they said they were not establishing a new settlement, but only a new neighborhood in an existing settlement. And so on, until the business of the outposts and the "natural increase" of recent years - a large collection of tricks and acrobatics, and all only so that the Jewish settlement project in the territories would increase and grow stronger. Those who bought these stories were only those who wanted the Jewish settlements in the territories.
Between the beginning of the peace process at the Madrid conference in 1991, up until the outbreak of the bloody intifada in 2000, the number of Jewish settlers in the territories doubled (from about 100,000 to 200,000). The Palestinians add to this the approximately 200,000 inhabitants of the Jewish neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, which also include settlers in the middle of Arab neighborhoods such as Ras Al-Amoud, where the first Jewish inhabitants moved in this weekend.
The settlement project has been facilitated by the large-scale takeover of Arab lands. The Israeli administration has confiscated lands for ostensibly military purposes, and has declared huge areas of the West Bank "state lands." (This procedure was made possible because there is no registry of land arrangements in most of the West Bank). Lands belonging to absentee owners (Arabs who have been absent from Israel) and lands for public purposes (the public for these purposes being the Jewish settlers) have also been confiscated and a great deal of money, for the most part public money, has been channeled to acquiring land from Arabs in the private market.
Yehezkel Lein of B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, who prepared a detailed report of the settlement project, has described in detail the complex and sophisticated legal apparatus Israel has set up in order to enable Jewish settlement and to effectively annex the settlements to the state of Israel, as well as the complex maze of government and public budgets that allows for a ceaseless flow of vast amounts of money to the Jewish settlements.
A social and political earthquake in Israel will be needed to stop the development of the settlements and to freeze their growth. There is not a chance that the government of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon will even get anywhere near this road map.
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Apparently It's Not Just The West Bank Anymore... |
by Mink!
mink (nospam) tcp.com (unverified) |
Current rating: 0
07 Apr 2003
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According to today's Guardian, last week Prime Minister Sharon approved a new settlement of Ma'aleh Ha'zeitim, the first Jewish settlement in the Palestinian area of Jerusalem since 1967. The site is a few hundred meters from the Western Wall. The article echoes the above assessment that the road map isn't likely to gain acceptance.
Some details are at http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,2763,931141,00.html.
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Meanwhile, In Yassirville, Reform Evaporates |
by haaretz via gehrig
(No verified email address) |
Current rating: 0
07 Apr 2003
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Analysis: Abu Mazen may pull out rather than present cabinet
By Arnon Regular, Haaretz Correspondent
Yasser Arafat continues to control both the most marginal and most important appointments in the Palestinian Authority.
For the last three weeks, ever since the Palestinian Legislative Council gave Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) the job of forming a cabinet as prime minister, and after innumerable legal tussles in the council over Arafat's authority in the era after the government is formed, it is becoming clear that Abu Mazen's mission is a lot more difficult than it originally appeared.
In the initial days after his appointment, Abu Mazen spread the word he wanted to appoint a government of technocrats that would lead to real change in the PA. But reality appears to have overruled him. In recent days, he has sent messages to Arafat and Arafat associates that he is considering giving up the effort.
Abu Mazen's travels throughout the West Bank and Gaza in recent weeks revealed to him a gloomy picture of what is going on in the PA-controlled areas. The various security forces are operating as private militias with criminal characteristics, the administration is corrupt, and personal corruption of several leading officials "astonished" him, say sources close to the prime minister-designate.
But apparently what most deters him now is a series of steps Arafat has taken in recent days that have made the PA chairman's intentions clear to Abu Mazen, the No. 2 man in the PLO and one of Fatah's founders.
Abu Mazen has discovered that two key security services, the General Intelligence force under Tawfiq Tirawi and the National Security force under Haj Ismail, two of the most dedicated Arafat loyalists, will continue to operate under direct command of Arafat even after Abu Mazen forms his government.
In addition, he found that Arafat is vetoing several of the ministers that have been mentioned as members of an Abu Mazen cabinet, particularly Mohammed Dahlan, the former head of Preventive Security in Gaza, whom Abu Mazen wants as interior minister, responsible for all the security services. Various "creative" formulas meant to leave the interior ministry in Abu Mazen's hands and name Dahlan as an adviser have also been ruled out by Arafat.
On Saturday, Abu Mazen discovered Arafat means to take over the formation of the government. He didn't send a direct message to that effect but instead convened Fatah's Central Committee in Ramallah and Abu Mazen was invited to brief the committee on expected Fatah appointees.
Arafat opened the meeting with the words, "We gave Abu Mazen authority and so far he has not provided us with the list of ministers." The intention was clear: Arafat wants the committee to make the appointments, and not Abu Mazen.
Instead of reporting on his plan, Abu Mazen understood which way the wind was blowing and preferred to conduct a discussion in which it became clear that most of the central committee members are demanding that Hanni el-Hassan, an Arafat loyalist, remain as interior minister.
Since Abu Mazen took on the job of forming a government, the name Hanni el-Hassan has been a red flag for him, the last person he wants in his cabinet.
He also found out that many of the members of the central committee are demanding they be appointed to the cabinet and that he can't satisfy the committee if he doesn't meet this demand.
Furthermore, Abu Mazen now realizes that in the best case, Arafat means to conduct the political negotiations with Israel and use Abu Mazen as a fig leaf.
Although the Palestinian Basic Law grants him authority, his maneuverability has been greatly reduced. In effect, other than the appointment of an office manager (Nabil Kasis of Bethlehem), he has not been able to do very much.
Even matters that appeared settled, like economic reforms, are turning out to be reversible.
In recent days, Sami Ramlawi, who served as a treasurer for Arafat in the Finance Ministry, has returned to his job even though he was deposed with the appointment of Finance Minister Salam Fayyad.
More than anyone else, Ramlawi is identified as Arafat's paymaster, operating directly on behalf of Arafat and handing out cash. The old system, whereby payrolls for security forces were made to the commanders of the forces, who then handed out the money to the troops - leading to much corruption - has returned.
The war in Iraq has also not made things easy for Abu Mazen. It is difficult to think of a more problematic time for him to be appointed. The argument that "while Iraq is fighting for its life, Abu Mazen was appointed with American bayonets," which began as a Hamas criticism, has been picked up by Fatah people, include Arafat's coteries.
Abu Mazen is slated to announce his government Thursday, but at this point it appears almost certain that he has not managed to form a framework that shapes the balance of power in the West Bank and Gaza according to his wishes. His government, if presented, is likely to be even broader than 22-24 ministers, a desperate attempt to satisfy everyone that may leave him with practically nothing.
Even if he decides to be prime minister, it now appears unlikely he will be able to make any real
Even if he decides to be prime minister, it now appears unlikely he will be able to make any real changes. |
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Editorial: Abu Mazen Deserves Support |
by haaretz via gehrig
(No verified email address) |
Current rating: 0
10 Apr 2003
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Abu Mazen deserves support
The ongoing war in Iraq has not led its initiators to forget the regional agenda and hope that Iraq will be the first sign of a changing Middle East. Tuesday's summit between U.S. President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair made it clear that even if there are differences of opinion between the two over the question of Iraq's future, they are in total agreement over the need to advance the Israel-Palestinian political process based on the "road map."
In accordance with the road map, all sides, including Israel and the Palestinians, agree on the need to establish a strong, transparent and responsible Palestinian government that will be able to make independent, tough political decisions.
This requirement is aimed at neutralizing PA Chairman Yasser Arafat's influence over future negotiations and to make way for a new leadership - one that will not be tainted with the shortcomings and faults of the previous leadership, and one that will prove that it has washed itself of the path of terror and maintains honest and proven peaceful intentions.
In order to establish such a government, Arafat agreed - under intense international pressure, primarily from the United States, and following a struggle in the Palestinian Legislative Council - to appoint a prime minister with independent powers. The prime minister, Abu Mazen, is acceptable to the Palestinian public and its elected officials, and to Israel, in that he is one of the architects of the Oslo agreements, he opposes acts of terror and suicide attacks and he has a pragmatic political approach.
There are expectations now for establishing the Palestinian government. Abu Mazen is slated to present his new cabinet shortly, but its appointment and approval process is likely to take time due to internal disputes among the Palestinian leadership. These differences of opinion are typical when it comes to forming a new government, and all the more so for a government that, for the first time in Palestinian history, will be appointed by a prime minister and not by Arafat - or so, in any event, we must hope.
No political good will arise if it turns out that the Palestinian government is no more than a reflection of Arafat's wishes, and that the appointment of Abu Mazen was nothing more than the setting up of a political puppet who will fulfill the chairman's orders.
The hope that this will not be the case was raised by Abu Mazen himself when he declared that he will not agree to be a premier devoid of authority. For this he deserves the encouragement of all parties. He is entitled to special support from both the Palestinian public and its leadership, which wants to rekindle the political path leading to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
When Abu Mazen presents a stable and authoritative government that is in full control of all of the Palestinian security mechanisms, is united under a central command and declares that it has not chosen the path of terror and armed struggle, the Israeli government will face its own test. The road map demands commitments and tough tasks from Israel in keeping with a timetable.
Therefore, anyone who views himself as a strategic partner of the United States, who believes that the war in Iraq is an opportunity for political change and who declares his adherence to the road map will have to demonstrate real cooperation with the new Palestinian government.
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