What is the National Alliance?
IDEOLOGY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
GENERAL PRINCIPLES
i. A Natural Order
ii. The Law of Inequality
iii. A Hierarchy of Responsibilities
SUMMARY STATEMENT OF BELIEF
NATIONAL ALLIANCE GOALS
i. White Living Space
ii. An Aryan Society
iii. A Responsible Government
iv. A New Educational System
iiv. An Economic Policy Based on Racial Principles
PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
ACTIVITIES OF NATIONAL ALLIANCE MEMBERS
HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
WHY YOU SHOULD JOIN THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP
Building a New White World
Prepared by the National Office of the National Alliance - www.natall.com
IDEOLOGY OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
The National Alliance is not only working to achieve certain goals; it also stands for a comprehensive view of life, or worldview. Its goals have not been chosen arbitrarily in reaction to current social, racial, or economic problems, the way the Democrats or Republicans put together a party platform for election purposes; instead they follow naturally from Alliance ideology.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES
A Natural Order
We see ourselves as integral with a unitary world around us, which evolves according to natural law. In the simplest words: There is only one reality, which we call Nature: not the "my reality" and "your reality" of the subjectivists and not the separate spiritual and physical realms of the supernaturalists. We are a part of Nature and subject to Nature's laws. Within the scope of these laws we are able to determine our own destiny. If we err in our efforts there is no one to protect us from the consequences of our folly or our weakness. In other words, we ourselves are responsible for everything over which we have the power of choice: in particular, for the state of our environment and for the destiny of our race.
This view may be contrasted with the Semitic view, which separates man from the rest of the world and postulates a divine but nevertheless manlike being who rules man and the world by supernatural law. Those who hold this view absolve themselves of responsibility for their fate. When faced with an undesired outcome of events they say, "It is God's (or Yahweh's or Allah's) will. "They believe that it is not necessary for men to concern themselves with the future beyond planning for their own needs, because their god has everything under control.
During the time when Europe was most strongly under the influence of Semitic ideology (and also today in some countries under Islamic rule, as well as among some fundamentalist Jewish and Christian sects in America and elsewhere), it was considered impious for a man to infringe upon the deity's prerogatives: specifically, to attempt to understand or influence the phenomena of Nature, or to change venerable social institutions.
The Law of Inequality
Our world is hierarchical. Each of us is a member of the Aryan (or European) race, which, like the other races, developed its special characteristics over many thousands of years during which natural selection not only adapted it to its environment but also advanced it along its evolutionary path. Those races which evolved in the more demanding environment of the North, where surviving a winter required planning and self-discipline, advanced more rapidly in the development of the higher mental faculties -- including the abilities to conceptualize, to solve problems, to plan for the future, and to postpone gratification -- than those which remained in the relatively unvarying climate of the tropics. Consequently, the races vary today in their capabilities to build and to sustain a civilized society and, more generally, in their abilities to lend a conscious hand to Nature in the task of evolution.
Furthermore, just as the races may be ordered according to their levels of development, so may the individuals within a race. Some are better able to understand the world around them than others; some are more creative; some have better self-discipline or a stronger will; some have a more highly developed sense of responsibility. In a well-ordered society these differences will be reflected in varying degrees of influence or control over the course of the society being exercised by the various members of the society, according to their varying individual qualities.
In contrast to our view is that of the egalitarians, who believe that the differences in the levels of civilization of the different races and the differences in the social positions of individuals in our society are purely circumstantial and can be changed easily by changing the circumstances: e.g., the level of civilization in Black Africa can be brought up to the European level and kept there by providing economic and technical aid to make up for past "injustices," such as colonialism; and any individual can fill any position in society if he is given certain "advantages," such as good schools and a good home environment. Differences in attainment, standard of living, and degree of social influence, among races and among individuals, are therefore unnatural and unjust and should be done away with, according to the egalitarians.
A Hierarchy of Responsibilities
As individuals who are conscious of our own nature and of our relationship to the rest of the world, we have an inevitable hierarchy of obligations or responsibilities.
First, we have an obligation to the Nature of which we are a part to participate as effectively as we can in its eternal quest for higher levels of development, higher forms of life.
This obligation has been recognized and expressed by our poets and philosophers throughout our history. Friedrich Nietzsche told us that our first responsibility is to help prepare the world for the coming of a higher type of man. George Bernard Shaw wrote that we are obliged to serve the Life Force in its striving to know itself more fully: i.e., to achieve higher levels of consciousness.
Second, we have an obligation to our race as a collective agent of progress. Nature has refined and honed the special qualities embodied in the Aryan race so we would be better able to fulfill the mission allotted to us. Even though Nature also has developed other forms of life, including other races of man, we have a special obligation to our own race: to ensure its survival, to safeguard its unique characteristics, to improve its quality.
Third, we have an obligation to those members of our race who are most conscious of their own obligations and most active in meeting them. Thus, there is a bond of comradeship between us and those who also are working for the same cause.
Finally, we have a responsibility to ourselves to be the best and strongest individuals that we can be.
Our acceptance of this hierarchy of responsibilities is in contrast to the attitude of the individualists, who do not recognize a responsibility to anyone but themselves; and to that of the humanists, who eschew their racial responsibility.
SUMMARY STATEMENT OF BELIEF
We may summarize in the following statement the ideology outlined above:
We see ourselves as a part of Nature, subject to Nature's law. We recognize the inequalities which arise as natural consequences of the evolutionary process and which are essential to progress in every sphere of life. We accept our responsibilities as Aryan men and women to strive for the advancement of our race in the service of Life, and to be the fittest instruments for that purpose that we can be.
NATIONAL ALLIANCE GOALS
Our goals follow from this world view, and like it they are evolutionary. That is, our goals for the next decade are steps on the way to our goals for the next quarter-century, which in turn are steps on the way to the things we want to achieve a century from now, and so on. It may seem unrealistic for us to describe in detail the type of world we are aiming at a millennium or even a century hence, because, although we know the principles which must govern that world, we cannot be sure exactly how they will be realized. Not only are there the uncertainties of fortune, but we expect to learn from our experiences and to modify accordingly the ways in which we implement our principles.
Nevertheless, it is useful to have a concrete picture now of the world for which we are striving, even though we understand that this picture will evolve, and its details will change. If we think of the world that we want to forge from the ruins of the present world, we might fix our sights on things as we would make them a quarter-century hence, after our enemies have been vanquished, the strife of revolution has subsided, and the spiritual and physical debris of this era has been cleared away. We can then describe, at least in outline, certain essential features that new world must have.
They are, in brief:
White Living Space
In spiritually healthier times our ancestors took as theirs those parts of the world suited by climate and terrain to our race: in particular, all of Europe and the temperate zones of the Americas, not to mention Australia and the southern tip of Africa. This was our living area and our breeding area, and it must be so again. After the sickness of "multiculturalism," which is destroying America, Britain, and every other Aryan nation in which it is being promoted, has been swept away, we must again have a racially clean area of the earth for the further development of our people. We must have White schools, White residential neighborhoods and recreation areas, White workplaces, White farms and countryside. We must have no non-Whites in our living space, and we must have open space around us for expansion.
We will do whatever is necessary to achieve this White living space and to keep it White. We will not be deterred by the difficulty or temporary unpleasantness involved, because we realize that it is absolutely necessary for our racial survival. The long-term demographic trend toward a darker world, which the disastrous policies of the last century have caused, must not only be halted; it must be reversed.
An Aryan Society
We must have new societies throughout the White world which are based on Aryan values and are compatible with the Aryan nature. We do not need to homogenize the White world: there will be room for Germanic societies, Celtic societies, Slavic societies, Baltic societies, and so on, each with its own roots, traditions, and language. What we must have, however, is a thorough rooting out of Semitic and other non-Aryan values and customs everywhere. We must once again provide the sort of social and spiritual environment in which our own nature can express itself in music, in art and architecture, in literature, in philosophy and scholarship, in the mass media, and in the life-styles of the people.
In specific terms, this means a society in which young men and women gather to revel with polkas or waltzes, reels or jigs, or any other White dances, but never to undulate or jerk to negroid jazz or rock rhythms. It means pop music without Barry Manilow and art galleries without Marc Chagall. It means films in which the appearance of any non-White face on the screen is a sure sign that what's being shown is either archival newsreel footage or a historical drama about the bad, old days. It means neighborhoods, schools, work groups, and universities in which there is a feeling of family and comradeship, of a shared heritage and a shared destiny. It means a sense of rootedness, which in turn engenders a sense of responsibility and energizes a moral compass, so that people once again know instinctively what is wholesome and natural and what is degenerate and alien. It means spiritual feeling coming from the soul and unencumbered by superstition or dogma, soaring free and reaching far above today 's priest-ridden, church-bound spirituality.
A Responsible Government
We must have a government wholly committed to the service of our race and subject to no non-Aryan influence. It must be a government guided by fixed principles, yet able to respond in a flexible way to challenges and opportunities. It must be structured and organized in a way suited to its purpose of safeguarding and advancing the race, and it must be as immune to corruption and subversion as human genius can make it.
In America we have had ample experience with two tendencies in government. During the first century or so of the American republic, we had a government which to a large degree embodied the principle that the best government is the least government, reflecting the general distrust of governments which was shared by many of the framers of the U.S. Constitution. This government provided for the national defense, for the mails, and for a number of other functions more or less helpful or necessary to the orderly existence of the nation, but it interfered relatively little in the lives of its citizens and left most of them to take care of their personal needs in the way they saw fit.
With the growth of mass democracy (the abolition of poll taxes and other qualifications for voters, the enfranchisement of women and of non-Whites), the rise in the influence of the mass media on public opinion, and the insinuation of the Jews into a position of control over the media, the U.S. government was gradually transformed into the malignant monster it is today: the single most dangerous and destructive enemy our race has ever known.
Many patriots look back fondly at the government as it was in its first phase, when it was less democratic and less intrusive in the lives of citizens. Perhaps the time will come when we can afford to have a minimal government once again, but that time lies in the remote future. The fact is that we need a strong, centralized government spanning several continents to coordinate many important tasks during the first few decades of a White world: the racial cleansing of the land, the rooting out of racially destructive institutions, and the reorganization of society on a new basis.
The central task of a new government will be to reverse the racially devolutionary course of the last few millennia and keep it reversed: a long-term eugenics program involving at least the entire populations of Europe and America. Such a task is necessarily intrusive, and it will require large-scale organization.
The structural details of a new government are important, but they are not a matter of principle. One might even get the job done by continuing with mass democracy, simply by replacing the people who control the mass media with Alliance members, and perhaps that is a reasonable way to proceed during a transitional period. In the long run, however, we want an honest government, not one which hides behind the carefully managed illusion that tens of millions of voters are its real rulers. A government of and by politicians is not only grossly inefficient, it remains too susceptible to corruption and subversion, regardless of who controls the organs of public opinion.
We need a government every branch of which is staffed by people carefully selected and trained for their responsibilities, not by people who are merely liars with charisma. We need a government of men and women who actually respect that government, and whose attitude toward its mission is essentially religious: a government more like a holy order than like any existing secular government today. It might not be too much to say that the most important single institution in the government we want will be the one which selects, trains, and tests the people who will be the judges and the legislators and the executives in that government people who will be more like secular priests in their behavior and their attitude toward their work than like today's politicians and bureaucrats. The institution which prepares these people for their work must be incorruptible and single-minded, with our principles engraved in the souls of its teachers.
A New Educational System
A proper educational system serves three purposes: it passes a people's cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage from generation to generation; it teaches skills and techniques; and it guides the character development of individuals from childhood to adulthood. The first purpose is served by teaching facts and ideas: language, history, science, ethics, and so on.
The second purpose is served by teaching the child or young adult how to do things which will be useful to himself and/or society: how to play a musical instrument, how to weld, how to manage a business, how to type, how to repair a motor vehicle, how to fight with and without weapons, how to draw, how to swim, how to raise children, how to grow food, how to build a house.
The third purpose is served by challenging, testing, conditioning: by forcing the child to exercise his will, to discipline himself, to endure discomfort, to make plans and carry them out, to overcome fears, to accept responsibility, to be truthful, and generally to develop and strengthen those traits of character valued by a healthy Aryan society.
The present educational system in America completely neglects the third purpose and does poorly with the first two, even in those fortunate areas not yet encumbered with an appreciable "multicultural" contingent. The most important reason for its poor performance is that it has lost any clear understanding of purpose. In order to pass on a people's cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage, it must first know the answer to the question: Which people's heritage? Today such a question is Politically Incorrect and therefore not admissible.
Even half a century ago, before it became Politically Incorrect to understand that the heritage to be passed on is European, there was no depth of purpose. The reason for passing on the European heritage is not just to help young people qualify for higher-paid employment or become better dinner-table conversationalists. It is to instill in them a consciousness of what it means to be European -- a race consciousness -- and thereby to make racial patriots of them. Facts and ideas have a spiritual component, and this component must be emphasized in the educational process.
There certainly will be sexual and occupational specialization in the second area of educational activity, and sexual specialization in the third. Even in the first area, children undoubtedly will be separated according to ability: not every child needs to learn Greek and Latin and the infinitesimal calculus to acquire a feeling for his race and its ways. Nevertheless, a proper educational system should provide a common body of knowledge and understanding shared by everyone, so that every member of the society has a fully developed sense of peoplehood. The boy who aims at becoming a machinist should read Homer, at least in translation, and the boy who plans to teach literature should understand what it means to be a good welder, at least to the extent of trying his hand at it.
It is by pursuing the third purpose, however, that a new educational system will make the most radical contribution to Aryan society. Education which concerns itself with the development of the whole person and focuses as strongly on forming character as on imparting knowledge or teaching skills dates back to ancient Greece, and it enjoyed an all-too-brief revival earlier in the twentieth century in National Socialist Germany, before being outlawed by the advocates of permissiveness. Today permissiveness rules throughout the Aryan world. "Education" is something which takes place only in designated buildings for a few hours on prescribed days, under conditions approaching chaos. Inside or outside these buildings, discipline is minimal. Children grow up in a world without standards of performance, without clear guidelines for behavior, without any strong source of authority. We see the products of this system all around us: too many weak, indecisive men and too many unfeminine women; a general lack of significant goals and self-confidence; a self-indulgent population without self-discipline or inner strength, restlessly seeking "happiness."
By ensuring that each child born to our race grows into the strongest, most capable, most responsible, and most conscious future citizen that his genes make possible, we will gain an enormous advantage over any race without such an educational system.
An Economic Policy Based on Racial Principles
There are two fundamental criteria which must be used for judging each and every governmental intervention in economic matters. They are, first, the long-range welfare and progress of the race; and second, human nature. Which is to say that in evaluating any economic policy we must ask ourselves two questions: Will this policy ultimately be beneficial or detrimental to the quality of our race? And is it in accord with human nature?
We look first at the racial effects of a policy and insist that they must be positive -- or at least not negative -- and then we insist that the policy be based on a clear and realistic understanding of human nature, so that it is workable.
We can understand better the significance of these two principles if we consider briefly two quite different economic systems, Marxism and laissez-faire capitalism.
Marxist economics has human happiness rather than racial progress as its ostensible aim, and it is based on assumptions that are at odds with reality and with human nature. It aims at providing material comfort for everyone, more or less equally. It cannot even admit the possibility of racial progress, because that implies that some types of men are inherently superior to others and that some directions of development are more desirable than other directions.
Whether one prefers the Marxist goal of the greatest happiness for the greatest number or the National Alliance goal of stronger, wiser, and more beautiful men and women is a matter of one's values. It was not on its choice of values that Marxism foundered, however, but on its refusal to recognize the fact of human inequality and the nature of human motivation. When people are not permitted to work for their own profit and advancement, they do not work well; and when a society's leaders do not attain their positions through their own merit, that society is likely to be poorly led.
In contrast to the Marxist system, we recognize the need to permit people to compete, to reap the fruits of their labor, and to exercise leadership according to their demonstrated ability. They will work harder and more efficiently and will order themselves in a hierarchy of ability. The result will be a stronger, better led, and more prosperous society. There will of course, be those individuals who will not work or whose natural abilities are such that they cannot compete effectively. Rather than following the Marxist path of robbing the successful in order to reward the unsuccessful, we must take measures to ensure that society's lowest elements do not multiply and become more numerous in later generations.
The laissez faire capitalist system provides another illustrative contrast. Under such a system the society as a whole has no goals: there are only the goals of individual men and women. The capitalist system, like ours, provides strong incentives for individuals: the strong, aggressive, and clever rise and prosper, and the weak, indecisive, and stupid remain at the bottom. Leaders tend to be capable -- at least, in the capitalist economic environment, with its special conditions.
Without a unifying principle, however, a capitalist society easily can fall prey to certain inherent weaknesses. One of these weaknesses is the instability which leads the rich to become richer and the poor to become poorer, not solely because of differences in ability but because the possession of capital gives the possessor an enormous advantage in the competition for more capital. When personal gain is the only motivation in a society, those who already are rich can arrange things to favour themselves: they can buy the legislation they want, and they can block threats to their power in ways which may be destructive to the welfare of the society as a whole. They can hold down the price of labor, limit healthy competition within the society, and exploit the environment without regard for the long-range consequences.
The overly rigid social stratification resulting from unrestricted capitalism can lead to endemic class hostility and even to class warfare. It can slow racial progress by making the ability to acquire and hold capital the supreme survival trait.
We need an economic system which, in contrast to Marxism, allows individuals to succeed in proportion to their capability and energy, but which, in contrast to capitalism, does not allow them to engage in socially or racially harmful activity, such as stifling competition or importing non-White labor. We need to structure our economic system so that it cannot fall prey to the instability of capitalism. We need to maintain social flexibility, so that capable and energetic individuals always have the possibility of rising. We need to ensure that capital does not have the possibility of changing society's rules to suit itself. The way to achieve and maintain an economic system which meets these criteria is to design and govern the system subject to the supreme principle: the ultimate aim of all economic policy is racial progress.
PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
White men and women find themselves a dwindling minority the world; while Black and Brown populations are growing at an increasing rate, White populations nearly everywhere are at best static. Furthermore, there is an increasing immigration of non-Whites into formerly White areas, accompanied by miscegenation on a massive scale.
If we had only this demographic problem to deal with, our task would be easy. White governments have the means necessary for halting non-White immigration and deporting non-White populations. Such measures, together with a withdrawal of economic and technical aid to the undeveloped areas of the non-White world, would permit natural forces to reverse non-White population growth quickly. Non-Whites have no ability to counter such measures, militarily or otherwise.
Even America's most degenerate urban populations, which have become so degraded morally and ideologically -- so acclimated to egalitarianism and "multiculturalism" -- that all we can hope to salvage from even the racially White elements among them is a selected minority, while the majority perishes in the chaos preceding the final cleansing, can offer no effective resistance to determined governmental action.
Unfortunately, since the end of the Second World War no White government has been under the control of White men with our values and our ideology. White governments everywhere are terminally corrupt, led by collaborators with the Jews. No solution to our demographic problem can be implemented -- and, therefore, no future for our race can be secured -- until we regain control of our governments. Our program, therefore, must have as one of its goals the attainment of governmental power. Nothing short of this can be meaningful in the long run.
By governmental power we mean, of course, the power to make and execute all government policy. This implies a massive replacement of the existing power structures: legislatures, courts, military and police command cadres, and the mass media.
NOW
AS WE BUILD our revolutionary infrastructure and increase our ability to reach the public with our message, the weaknesses in our opponents' infrastructure will become increasingly apparent. At the same time worsening conditions in America will make the public more receptive to us.
LATER
No mere election of a head of state can give us this power; no president or prime minister, even if he is installed by a military coup and has the backing of the top military leaders, can stand alone against the other elements of the power structure in a modern, White state -- especially not against the power of the mass media. In order for any power we aquire to be meaningful it must be total: that is, it must include all the major elements of the power structure.
No non-violent uprising by a militant White element of the population can succeed by itself, nor can a violent uprising, in which marches and demonstrations are accompanied by terrorism and street fighting, achieve success -- so long as the major elements of the power structure remain in the hands of our enemies. No modern, White state can be overthrown by a mob howling outside the citadel; the revolutionaries must already have established a sufficiently strong position inside the citadel before their cohorts outside begin howling. One may think of the so-called "civil rights" revolution in the United States in the decades after the Second World War, in which Blacks burned cities and marched in huge, often violent demonstrations and eventually got their way. The burning and the marching would have availed them nothing, however, had their sympathizers not already been solidly entrenched in the mass media, the Christian churches, the governmental bureaucracy, and the legislatures and courts of the land. In our case the situation is reversed, with those bastions of the power structure in the hands of those who hate us most intensely.
The power we seek cannot be attained by any trickery or subterfuge, by any scheme of gradual infiltration and subversion, by any sudden coup, or by any other superficial or insubstantial means. It can only be attained by first building a solid revolutionary infrastructure capable of sustaining revolutionary action on many fronts over a period of years and then erecting on that infrastructure a power structure of our own, in which each essential element of the power structure opposed to us has its analogue.
Our power structure does not seek to imitate the one we want to replace, or even to compete with it in the normal sense. For example, it would be foolish to imagine that we could build a revolutionary police or military structure which could compete effectively with that of the government. But we can build structures with certain military and police functions which have as their immediate task the coordination of recruiting inside the government's military and police agencies. Their later tasks can be to serve as fully ramified cadres for incorporating and organizing the best human material from the disintegrating governmental military and police structures.
Even our mass media do not attempt to compete with those of the enemy by winning larger audiences. Ours merely aim at reaching the entire White population with our message and making it continually accessible to those who are responsive. We understand that by far the larger part of the White population is and will continue to be more interested in spectator sports or Star Trek than in our message, and we will not try to wean them away from their amusements. Only in the very last stages of revolutionary development will we be competing with the Jews for the attention of this mass element, but by then the competition will be on our terms. Our mass media, however, eventually will provide the indispensable tool for communicating with all the elements of the White population during a critical transitional period between the collapse of one way of life and the establishment of another. A successful attainment of governmental power will not be possible without this tool.
The skeptic, or the person who cannot imagine a state of affairs very different from the one he is accustomed to, will look at the enormous disparity in every element of the power structure between us and our enemies, and he will think that our goal of gaining governmental power is |
