Printed from Urbana-Champaign IMC : http://www.ucimc.org/
UCIMC Independent Media 
Center
Media Centers

[topics]
biotech

[regions]
united states

oceania

[projects]
video
satellite tv
radio
print

[process]
volunteer
tech
process & imc docs
mailing lists
indymedia faq
fbi/legal updates
discussion

west asia
palestine
israel
beirut

united states
worcester
western mass
virginia beach
vermont
utah
urbana-champaign
tennessee
tampa bay
tallahassee-red hills
seattle
santa cruz, ca
santa barbara
san francisco bay area
san francisco
san diego
saint louis
rogue valley
rochester
richmond
portland
pittsburgh
philadelphia
omaha
oklahoma
nyc
north texas
north carolina
new orleans
new mexico
new jersey
new hampshire
minneapolis/st. paul
milwaukee
michigan
miami
maine
madison
la
kansas city
ithaca
idaho
hudson mohawk
houston
hawaii
hampton roads, va
dc
danbury, ct
columbus
colorado
cleveland
chicago
charlottesville
buffalo
boston
binghamton
big muddy
baltimore
austin
atlanta
arkansas
arizona

south asia
mumbai
india

oceania
sydney
perth
melbourne
manila
jakarta
darwin
brisbane
aotearoa
adelaide

latin america
valparaiso
uruguay
tijuana
santiago
rosario
qollasuyu
puerto rico
peru
mexico
ecuador
colombia
chile sur
chile
chiapas
brasil
bolivia
argentina

europe
west vlaanderen
valencia
united kingdom
ukraine
toulouse
thessaloniki
switzerland
sverige
scotland
russia
romania
portugal
poland
paris/ãŽle-de-france
oost-vlaanderen
norway
nice
netherlands
nantes
marseille
malta
madrid
lille
liege
la plana
italy
istanbul
ireland
hungary
grenoble
germany
galiza
euskal herria
estrecho / madiaq
cyprus
croatia
bulgaria
bristol
belgrade
belgium
belarus
barcelona
austria
athens
armenia
antwerpen
andorra
alacant

east asia
qc
japan
burma

canada
winnipeg
windsor
victoria
vancouver
thunder bay
quebec
ottawa
ontario
montreal
maritimes
hamilton

africa
south africa
nigeria
canarias
ambazonia

www.indymedia.org

This site
made manifest by
dadaIMC software
&
the friendly folks of
AcornActiveMedia.com

Comment on this article | Email this Article
Commentary :: Agriculture : Civil & Human Rights : Globalization : International Relations : Political-Economy
No Boost for Development in World Trade Negotiations Current rating: 0
03 Aug 2004
The total amount of subsidies paid to farmers in the US, Europe, and other developed countries combined is less than 30 percent of this $300 billion, according to the undisputed figures from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The "supports" tacked on to inflate this figure include trade restrictions that raise the price to US consumers, and many other things that aren't subsidies and don't have any negative impact on producers in developing countries.
In trade negotiations, you have to be careful what you ask for, because you might actually get it -- or some small fraction of it. This past weekend, at World Trade Organization (WTO) talks in Geneva, developing countries got a little bit of what they had been demanding: the rich countries agreed to eliminate a small part of their agricultural subsidies. The concession was hailed as a "breakthrough," and saved the current round of negotiations from being seen as a failure.

But this latest development is hardly a victory for people in developing countries, and least of all for the poor. The WTO rules are so heavily stacked against them that they are still headed for continued net losses from the current "development agenda."

Focusing on subsidies was a clever public relations and negotiating tactic by the developing countries' negotiators, and it led to a breakdown at the big WTO ministerial meeting in Cancun last September. They highlighted the hypocrisy of the United States, Europe, Japan and other rich counties: "You want us to further open our economies to trade" they said, "Yet you flood world agricultural markets with subsidized grains, cotton, and other goods."

But these latest concessions have hardly changed the picture. First, the United States has only agreed in principle to eliminate a small part -- perhaps 20 percent -- of its agricultural subsidies. And even here, the language is vague and the loopholes large enough that it is not clear how much these subsidies will actually be cut.

But even if the subsidies were altogether eliminated, it would have very little net impact on the developing world.

The importance of the subsidies themselves has been inflated beyond recognition. The "$300 billion in annual subsidies and supports" that the New York Times cited in reference to the latest agreement is a gross exaggeration, as economists recognize. The total amount of subsidies paid to farmers in the US, Europe, and other developed countries combined is less than 30 percent of this $300 billion, according to the undisputed figures from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The "supports" tacked on to inflate this figure include trade restrictions that raise the price to US consumers, and many other things that aren't subsidies and don't have any negative impact on producers in developing countries.

The World Bank has estimated the gains for the developing world if rich countries were to eliminate all of their subsidies, and open all of their markets completely to every export -- manufactured as well as agricultural goods -- from low and middle-income countries. This turns out to be an extra 0.6 percent of income: in other words, a country with an income of $1000 per capita would move up to $1006. Only a small part of this small gain would come from the elimination of subsidies, and even less would trickle down to the world's poorest. A lot of countries -- most of Latin America, for example -- would actually suffer a net loss from the elimination of agricultural subsidies.

Of course there are cotton farmers in poor countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Chad that have been hurt, some even wiped out, by U.S. cotton subsidies. They have every reason to demand the elimination of these subsidies.

But the tens of millions of poor farmers in developing countries that will not be able to compete with U.S. or other modern, large-scale agricultural production -- subsidized or not -- represent a much more devastating problem with WTO rules for liberalizing trade in agriculture.

And the measures that the United States and Europe are demanding in WTO negotiations are far more costly than any subsidies. Their unabashed protectionism in many areas -- especially pharmaceuticals, where access to affordable medicines can literally be a matter of life and death -- will cost developing countries much more than they can gain from freer trade in other markets.

The rich countries are currently seeking to impose a whole set of non-trade rules -- concerning investment, government purchases, and development policy -- on developing countries. If they succeed, most low-and-middle-income countries will have to overcome obstacles that the United States, when it was a developing country, never had to confront. In short, there is a long way to go before most of the members of the WTO can claim success in the current round of negotiations.

_____________________________________________________________________________

Mark Weisbrot is co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in Washington, DC (www.cepr.net).
See also:
http://www.cepr.net

Copyright by the author. All rights reserved.
Add a quick comment
Title
Your name Your email

Comment

Text Format
To add more detailed comments, or to upload files, see the full comment form.